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Editorial: When rights collide Print E-mail
By Glenn Kauth | Publication Date: Tuesday, 08 September 2009
News the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal has ruled the country’s anti-hate law unconstitutional is a significant victory for free-speech advocates in the battle between right-wingers and lawyer Richard Warman.

In making his decision, tribunal vice chairman Athanasios Hadjis noted he lacked the authority to declare the Canadian Human Rights Act’s anti-hate provision invalid.

Nevertheless, he elected to ignore it in a case involving Warman and Marc Lemire, webmaster of freedomsite.org. He concluded s. 13(1) of the act is “inconsistent” with the Charter’s provision on freedom of thought, belief, opinion, and expression.

The case stems from Warman’s allegations about comments on freedomsite.org. In one complaint, the only one which Hadjis deemed to have merit, Warman took issue with a column titled “AIDS secrets: What the government and the media don’t want you to know.”

In it, the author links the AIDS crisis to the U.S. black population. The article claimed African-Americans are between 14 to 20 times more likely to get infected than white people and that blacks account for 90 per cent of all AIDS infections among heterosexuals.

For Warman, those words and other web postings he found contravened s. 13(1) by exposing minority groups to hatred or contempt.

Hadjis’ conclusions about the constitutionality of s. 13(1) centres on the punitive aspects of the law. Noting the Supreme Court of Canada already dealt with the issue in 1990, he argued that what has changed since then is the imposition of a fine and the expansion of the hate-speech provisions to the Internet during revisions to the Human Rights Act in 2001.

It is that aspect that Hadjis determined to be problematic given the earlier Supreme Court decision’s focus on a conciliatory, rather than penal, approach in dealing with restrictions on free speech under the act.

The many online commentators who have criticized Warman’s relentless pursuit of Internet postings will no doubt declare victory. But it’s worth pointing out the Canadian Human Rights Commission, which supported Warman’s case, can appeal Hadjis’ decision to the Federal Court. It should do so.

Lemire and his allies make valid points. But as Hadjis noted, the Supreme Court in its 1990 decision emphasized the importance of protecting Canadians against propaganda that undermines their dignity and erodes society’s spirit of tolerance.

Whatever the outcome, then, the courts need to reconsider the issue in light of Canada’s changing face. Moreover, the case represents the ongoing question of competing rights as people like Warman and Lemire make claims that are seemingly irreconcilable.

It’s an issue requiring clarification that the Ontario Human Rights Commission has taken up recently. “Issues of competing rights arise with increasing frequency in the context of human rights and constitutional law litigation,” the Ontario commission wrote in its application to intervene in the Superior Court case involving a sexual assault victim who declined to remove her niqab while testifying before a judge.

The woman, of course, touted freedom of religion while the accused argued that allowing her to keep the veil on impaired his right to defend himself.

It’s on exactly these types of questions that Canadians need answers. Hadjis’ ruling represents an important contribution, but we need to hear the court’s verdict on where the legal boundaries lie when rights collide.
— Glenn Kauth

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Johann  - CHRC/DND vs Freedom of Speech   |2009-09-08
It is worthy to note that Mr. Warman is actually an employee of DND and not a
practicing lawyer.

The 2003 inclusion in DND JAG suggests the military role
of aiding the CHRC/CHRT in "Litigation".

When was it lawful for DND
to engage in spying on Canadian citizens via PROXY?

Why - when our soldiers
(and those of our NATO allies) are dying abroad does DND support their lawyers
engaging in such questionable activities (on company time?) and receiving cash
awards and gifts from special interest groups?
Jay Currie  - Which rights would those be?   |2009-09-08
Lemire and people in support of free speech cite freedom of expression and
freedom of the press both of which are deemed Fundamental Rights in s. 2 of the
Charter of Rights.

What "right" is Warman asserting? And why should any
right not in the Charter trump a right which is. Hadjis has done us all a huge
service by underscoring the incoherence of the majority in Taylor and returning
us to the bedrock guarantee of free expression which is critical in a democracy.
mbrandon8026   |2009-09-08
I agree with the editorial that this needs to be clarified in a higher court.


The Boissoin v. Lund case in Alberta Court of Queens Bench on September 16-17,
appealing the 2007 decision of the Alberta Human Rights Commission that silenced
Stephen Boissoin for writing a Letter to the Red Deer Advocate in 2002, should
be just the ticket.

It is being argued that S.3(1) of the Alberta Human Rights
Code, which corresponds closely to its ugly twin sister S. 13 of the Canada
Human Rights Act is unconstitutional, and that the actions of the Panel in the
Boissoin case were ultra vires their legislation, an argument that could well
have been made in the Lemire case as well.

Meanwhile, no one has ever looked
into the legality of the phrase "likely to expose" which involves
statistical probability and requires some scientific evidence to verify its own
veracity. Instead, it is a given when a Member of a Panel or Tribunal says that
such and such a communication exposes a group to hatred and contempt.

Nor has
anyone ever questioned the existence of the hatred and contempt already and
whether the particular communication in question impacted it further, or really
at all.

This is all very curious to me.
john gay   |2009-09-08
"But as Hadjis noted, the Supreme Court in its 1990 decision emphasized the
importance of protecting Canadians against propaganda that undermines their
dignity and erodes society
Rose   |2009-09-08
John, you mean like the propaganda contained in Section 13 that it's an offense
to "LIKELY" offend someone. That's pre-crime and a thought crime, sounds
alot like propaganda via marxist's dogma to me and that offends me.
Harry Abrams  - There's a Place for Section 13   |2009-09-09
There's still an important role in our society for Section 13 type
legislation.

I and B'nai Brith Canada have one such complaint in process. This
may be viewed at

http://www.scribd.com/doc/17477948/AbramsBBC-v-T
op-Ham-Particulars-July-09-Final-2?secret_password =1qnf0js7qrxazowcjv4m
Roger Herron   |2009-09-09
What is dangerous is a legal profession that has people who believe the law
should legislate against speech or publication even thought it does not present
a clear and imminent danger of violence. Other speech and writing, no matter how
offensive should be left to others to either ridicule or ignore. Tribunals and
courts have no place. None.

BTW, the classic "cry fire in a theatre"
case was overturned on appeal. And it was about a protester encouraging people
not to join the army in World War 1. It is the best example of why courts and
judges are dangerous to democracy I can think of.
r martin  - former law times columnist   |2009-09-09
a turgid load of sactimonious twaddle. Only a child lacking in sense could
describe the unspeakable warman's appropriation of a state agency as involving a
right. mr kauth might wish to consult a dictionary to learn the meaning of
"tout". Kauth is sufficiently infantile and illiterate that he should
be teaching in a law faculty.
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